In Momentum’s internal war, Jon Lansman has won. The group’s founder and owner has drawn up a hastily-approved constitution, which will force members to join Labour by 1 July 2017 or face expulsion. Lansman’s move is designed to neutralise Momentum’s Trotskyist wing, which has long resisted his reforms. Senior members such as Jill Mountford of the Alliance for Workers’ Liberty and former Militant member Nick Wrack, who are barred from Labour, will be forced out.
Mountford said : “This is a coup. We are not splitting and we are not going to be provoked by this. We are going to call a conference for grassroots activists and we will to seek to reverse these changes. The constitution has been imposed, we are going to continue to fight for a democratic organisation. ”
Lansman’s ruthlessness has prompted the rare sight of Blairites praising the veteran Bennite (who I interviewed last year). It was, they wryly noted , the 88th anniversary of Stalin exiling Trotsky to Siberia. “Lansman is behaving like an absolute monarch,” said Richard Angell, the director of Progress.
But despite the coming purge, Labour MPs still baulk at the thought of the pro-Corbyn group affiliating to the party. “I will be opposing this with every fibre of my body,” vowed Tom Blenkinsop. But what are the chances of Momentum being permitted to affiliate? Under the current rules, the answer is non-existent – unless the group changes beyond recognition. Labour’s constitution states that groups which have “their own programme, principles and policy, or distinctive and separate propaganda” or which promote parliamentary or local government candidates (as Momentum does) shall be “ineligible for affiliation to the party. ”
It is for this reason that other factions, such as Progress, the old right Labour First and the Bennite Campaign for Labour Party Democracy, are not officially affiliated. It is theoretically possible that the party could change its rules to accept applications from such groups. But in practice it is unlikely that either the NEC or the Labour conference would approve this hazard-strewn move. Even some of Corbyn’s NEC supporters are opposed to Momentum’s affiliation bid.
Were Labour’s rules to remain unchanged, Momentum itself would have to change. It would have to cease to be a pro-Corbyn faction and become a blander socialist society (no disrespect to the Fabians). Rather than a genuine affiliation bid, then, Lansman’s announcement looks more like a symbolic declaration. By stating that he wishes to affiliate, he has made it clear that those who don’t are not welcome.
Today, Open Britain and the Fabian Society have come together to try and answer some of the hard questions Brexit poses for the Left, and to outline the principles that should inform our approach to Brexit, in a new pamphlet. As an MP who campaigned for Remain representing an area that voted Leave I know how important it is for Labour to engage with the outcome of Brexit negotiations to ensure working people’s interests are protected.
It is fantastic that progressive groups are thinking about Brexit and going beyond the platitudes of “red, white and blue Brexit.” That’s why today[s document has been welcomed by Keir Starmer and the Shadow Brexit team and supported by Labour MPs.
Open Britain and the Fabian Society suggest six principles that should government Labour’s approach to Brexit, covering the economy, our foreign and security policies, immigration, the laws that protect our environment and rights at work, domestic economic reform, and the political way forward. This approach is aimed at preserving the best aspects of our EU membership, while respecting the result and tacking the underlying frustrations and pressures that led so many of Labour’s natural supporters to vote to leave the EU.
The greatest threat to working people is the spectre of a destructive hard Brexit, which would impose onerous and damaging tariffs, customs duties and red tape on our exports to, and imports from, the EU. This would mean fewer jobs, lower growth, and higher prices. A full 44 per cent of Britain’s exports go to the EU, making it comfortably our largest trading partner. A progressive Brexit approach to trade should prioritise three strands – continued participation in the single market and customs union, unless it can be proven empirically that doing so will not damage our economy; a rejection of the WTO model, which would dramatically increase barriers to trade; and a transitional arrangement, should one be necessary, to bridge the likely gap between Britain leaving the EU and a new, permanent trading arrangement being agreed.
This must be combined with action on immigration, which was such a powerful driver of the vote to leave the European Union. What the British people want is greater control over immigration without paying an economic cost. This must be our approach too, as we look for a new deal on immigration from the EU that includes, for example, tying free movement to those who have a job offer and arguing for sector-specific emergency brakes that could be applied in cases of identifiable economic stress. It is important to note that The Dutch Deputy PM is calling for reform and David Cameron’s “special status” renegotiation conceded the principle that rules could be altered in response to exceptional inflow of workers causing serious problems. At the same time, however, Labour must not abandon our internationalist, progressive principles. We should continue to welcome the immigrants our economy needs, and stand up for the European Union citizens who are already resident in this country, and now find their rights under threat.
Another priority must be an approach to security and foreign policy that keeps our streets safe and prevents strategic shrinkage. We should seek to maintain our current level of co-operation with Europe on security, including British participation in the European Arrest Warrant, Europol, and databases such as the Schengen Information System. At the same time, we must seek to prove to allies in Europe and the United States that we remain a serious partner on the world stage. That means maintaining the 0.7 per cent target for international aid spending, leading action against climate change, and continuing to play a full role in Nato, including maintaining the 2 per cent of GDP funding target.
One of the great achievements of the single market, one that has not been fully appreciated by some, is the swathe of common rules that protect workers, consumers, and our environment.
