While Bannon’s rivals in the administration will be happy to see him go, he could cause the White House immense problems if he asserts independence.
For Americans who know little or nothing about Stephen Bannon other than his depiction on Saturday Night Live as the grim reaper, or that his mien makes for seedy-looking news photos, the news that he has jumped from or was pushed out of job as White House chief strategist might seem reassuring. And for the moment at least, you have to assume his “globalist” opponents in Donald Trump’s circle of advisers are indulging in an early happy hour to celebrate his imminent departure.
But for the administration as a whole, Bannon could be much more of a problem on the loose than ensconced in the middle of a Team of Rivals. Lyndon Johnson once famously said of FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover: “It’s probably better to have him inside the tent pissing out, than outside the tent pissing in.” That is likely true of Steve Bannon as well.
We do not know, what if any, inhibiting effect Bannon has had inside the tent—er, the White House—on his former subordinates at Breitbart News when the administration did something the so-called “economic nationalists” did not like. But whatever the restraints were, they’ re probably gone now. Breitbart hasn’ t reacted much yet to the news of their former chairman’s defenestration, other than to link to a New York Times account that flatly reports Bannon left of his own accord and on his own timetable (resigning on August 7, effective today) . But there is this one interesting note at Breitbart News from a sidebar to the main story:
Guess one of those voices is going to be raised from a distance now, perhaps loudly. Here’s what sources close to Bannon have told Axios:
An alienated Breitbart News could serve as a signal to other “populist” and/or “alt-right” elements of the Trump coalition that it’s time to fight for Daddy’s ear and perhaps get his attention with some tough love now and then. At a time when Trump could really use covering fire from those supporters who have no problem with—or may even be excited about—the president’s Neo-Confederate sentiments about what happened last weekend in Charlottesville, it’s inconvenient to have Bannon and his allies reconsidering their loyalties.
And the worst could definitely be yet to come. Let’s say the House Freedom Caucus (allies of Bannon’s off and on throughout the policy debates of 2017) decides in September to create a crisis over the debt limit increase or an omnibus appropriations bill, demanding domestic spending cuts or money for The Wall or the defunding of Planned Parenthood. The White House would probably be inclined to stick with the House and Senate GOP leadership in snuffing out such a dangerous threat. The odds of Breitbart News and its allies joining the conservative insurgents is now very, very high. And the peril of a rebellious base will only increase as the business wing of the GOP in the White House and the Treasury Department shape a tax bill. Bannon’s advice to season a tax bill with a higher rate on top earners could become the basis of a populist holy war if he’s not constrained by White House team solidarity rules.
Indeed, attacks on Team Trump could be nearer than we realize:
And that doesn’ t even take into account whatever inside dirt Bannon is inclined to spill. His quick demolition of the official national security rationale for confrontation with North Korea—given to a liberal journalist apparently after he had already sent in his resignation—could be a sign of things to come.
It might have been wiser for Trump to keep Bannon close at hand.
