Donald Trump has described as «fake news» allegations published in some media that his election team colluded with Russia — and that Russia held compromising material about his private life. The BBC’s Paul Wood saw the allegations before the election, and reports on the fallout now they have come to light.
The significance of these allegations is that, if true, the president-elect of the United States would be vulnerable to blackmail by the Russians.
I understand the CIA believes it is credible that the Kremlin has such kompromat — or compromising material — on the next US commander in chief. At the same time a joint taskforce, which includes the CIA and the FBI, has been investigating allegations that the Russians may have sent money to Mr Trump’s organisation or his election campaign.
Claims about a Russian blackmail tape were made in one of a series of reports written by a former British intelligence agent, understood to be Christopher Steele.
As a member of MI6, he had been posted to the UK’s embassy in Moscow and now runs a consultancy giving advice on doing business in Russia. He spoke to a number of his old contacts in the FSB, the successor to the KGB, paying some of them for information.
They told him that Mr Trump had been filmed with a group of prostitutes in the presidential suite of Moscow’s Ritz-Carlton hotel. I know this because the Washington political research company that commissioned his report showed it to me during the final week of the election campaign.
The BBC decided not to use it then, for the very good reason that without seeing the tape — if it exists — we could not know if the claims were true. The detail of the allegations were certainly lurid. The entire series of reports has now been posted by BuzzFeed.
Mr Trump’s supporters say this is a politically motivated attack.
The president-elect himself, outraged, tweeted this morning: «Are we living in Nazi Germany? »
Later, at his much-awaited news conference, he was unrestrained.
«A thing like that should have never been written,» he said, «and certainly should never have been released. »
He said the memo was written by «sick people [who] put that crap together».
The opposition research firm that commissioned the report had worked first for an anti-Trump superpac — political action committee — during the Republican primaries.
Then during the general election, it was funded by an anonymous Democratic Party supporter. But these are not political hacks — their usual line of work is country analysis and commercial risk assessment, similar to the former MI6 agent’s consultancy. He, apparently, gave his dossier to the FBI against the firm’s advice.
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And the former MI6 agent is not the only source for the claim about Russian kompromat on the president-elect. Back in August, a retired spy told me he had been informed of its existence by «the head of an East European intelligence agency».
Later, I used an intermediary to pass some questions to active duty CIA officers dealing with the case file — they would not speak to me directly. I got a message back that there was «more than one tape», «audio and video», on «more than one date», in «more than one place» — in the Ritz-Carlton in Moscow and also in St Petersburg — and that the material was «of a sexual nature».
The claims of Russian kompromat on Mr Trump were «credible», the CIA believed. That is why — according to the New York Times and Washington Post — these claims ended up on President Barack Obama’s desk last week, a briefing document also given to Congressional leaders and to Mr Trump himself.
Mr Trump did visit Moscow in November 2013, the date the main tape is supposed to have been made. There is TV footage of him at the Miss Universe contest. Any visitor to a grand hotel in Moscow would be wise to assume that their room comes equipped with hidden cameras and microphones as well as a mini-bar.
At his news conference, Mr Trump said he warned his staff when they travelled: «Be very careful, because in your hotel rooms and no matter where you go you’re going to probably have cameras. » So the Russian security services have made obtaining kompromat an art form.
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One Russian specialist told me that Vladimir Putin himself sometimes says there is kompromat on him — though perhaps he is joking. The specialist went on to tell me that FSB officers are prone to boasting about having tapes on public figures, and to be careful of any statements they might make.
A former CIA officer told me he had spoken by phone to a serving FSB officer who talked about the tapes. He concluded: «It’s hokey as hell. »
Mr Trump and his supporters are right to point out that these are unsubstantiated allegations.
But it is not just sex, it is money too. The former MI6 agent’s report detailed alleged attempts by the Kremlin to offer Mr Trump lucrative «sweetheart deals» in Russia that would buy his loyalty.
Mr Trump turned these down, and indeed has done little real business in Russia. But a joint intelligence and law enforcement taskforce has been looking at allegations that the Kremlin paid money to his campaign through his associates.
On 15 October, the US secret intelligence court issued a warrant to investigate two Russian banks. This news was given to me by several sources and corroborated by someone I will identify only as a senior member of the US intelligence community. He would never volunteer anything — giving up classified information would be illegal — but he would confirm or deny what I had heard from other sources.
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«I’m going to write a story that says…» I would say. «I don’t have a problem with that,» he would reply, if my information was accurate. He confirmed the sequence of events below.
Last April, the CIA director was shown intelligence that worried him. It was — allegedly — a tape recording of a conversation about money from the Kremlin going into the US presidential campaign.
It was passed to the US by an intelligence agency of one of the Baltic States. The CIA cannot act domestically against American citizens so a joint counter-intelligence taskforce was created.
The taskforce included six agencies or departments of government. Dealing with the domestic, US, side of the inquiry, were the FBI, the Department of the Treasury, and the Department of Justice. For the foreign and intelligence aspects of the investigation, there were another three agencies: the CIA, the Office of the Director of National Intelligence and the National Security Agency, responsible for electronic spying.
Lawyers from the National Security Division in the Department of Justice then drew up an application. They took it to the secret US court that deals with intelligence, the Fisa court, named after the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. They wanted permission to intercept the electronic records from two Russian banks.
Their first application, in June, was rejected outright by the judge. They returned with a more narrowly drawn order in July and were rejected again. Finally, before a new judge, the order was granted, on 15 October, three weeks before election day.
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Neither Mr Trump nor his associates are named in the Fisa order, which would only cover foreign citizens or foreign entities — in this case the Russian banks.
