ALBUQUERQUE, N. M. (AP) – For years, Yazmin Irazoqui Ruiz saw Cinco de Mayo as a reason to eat tacos and listen to Mexican music. The 25-year-old Mexican-born…
ALBUQUERQUE, N. M. (AP) – For years, Yazmin Irazoqui Ruiz saw Cinco de Mayo as a reason to eat tacos and listen to Mexican music.
The 25-year-old Mexican-born medical student left Mexico for the U. S. as a child and celebrates the day to honor a homeland she hardly remembers.
But the Albuquerque, New Mexico, resident said she’s reluctant to take part in Cinco de Mayo festivities this year as President Donald Trump steps up federal immigration enforcement and supporters back his call for the building of a wall along the U. S.-Mexico border.
« I mean, what is it about? You want to eat our food and listen to our music, but when we need you to defend us, where are you? » Irazoqui Ruiz asked about the wave of anti-immigrant sentiment in the country.
She isn’t alone. Trump’s immigration policies and rhetoric are leaving some Mexican Americans and immigrants feeling at odds with a holiday they already thought was appropriated by beer and liquor companies, event promoters and bars.
Latino activists and scholars say that ambivalence is bolstered by the hazy history of Cinco de Mayo and by stereotypes exploited by marketers.
The once-obscure holiday marking a 19th century-battle between Mexico and invading French forces is now a regular celebration in the U. S., where party-goers flock to bars for cheap margaritas and tacos. Television beer commercials often show mostly white actors on a beach celebrating.
« The narrative around Cinco de Mayo seems to say, ‘this day really isn’t yours’,  » said Cynthia Duarte, a sociology professor at California Lutheran University.
Tequila company Jose Cuervo is playing off the notion that the holiday is largely overlooked south of the border by throwing a party in a small Missouri town called Mexico. More than 90 percent of people there are white and less than 2.5 percent of Mexican descent. The company is marketing the event on its Facebook page as « Mexico’s First Cinco de Mayo. »
Jose Cuervo said in a statement the idea come from Crispin Porter + Bogusky, a Los Angeles-based advertising agency, and has been well received on social media.
« Consumers consistently tell us that Cinco de Mayo is a great way for them to reconnect with people they care about and enjoy a few cervezas,  » said John Alvarado, vice president of marketing for Corona beer, which is made by Anheuser-Busch InBev.
Often mistaken for Mexican Independence Day (Sept. 16) , Cinco de Mayo commemorates the 1862 Battle of Puebla between the victorious ragtag army of largely Mexican Indian soldiers against the invading French forces of Napoleon III. The day is barely observed in Mexico, but was celebrated in California by Latinos and abolitionists who linked the victory to the fight against slavery.
During the Chicano Movement of the 1970s, Mexican Americans adopted Cinco de Mayo for its David vs. Goliath story line as motivation in civil rights struggles.
This year, some immigrant enclaves have canceled or reduced Cinco de Mayo celebrations over fears that party-goers could be exposed to possible deportation. In Philadelphia, a Cinco de Mayo-related celebration was scrapped after organizers determined turnout would drop over concerns about immigration raids.
Others worry that parties could take a cruel spin, with revelers, emboldened by Trump’s crackdown, mocking and even attacking Mexicans. In Waco, Texas, a college fraternity at Baylor University was suspended after throwing a Cinco de Mayo party where students reportedly dressed as construction workers and maids and chanted « Build that Wall,  » a reference to Trump’s signature campaign promise. The party sparked an investigation and campus protest.
« I don’t like to be so angry or shut people down for celebrating,  » said Joanna Renteria, a Mexican-American blogger in San Francisco. « But when anyone makes an ignorant comment about my culture, it does affect me. »
She plans to celebrate by wearing a huipil – a loose tunic designed with colorful patterns of birds and flowers – that she bought in her family’s hometown.
Mexican-American rapper Kap G appeared in a Black Entertainment Television sketch in which he argues about the origin of margaritas – a drink with a murky history – at an office meeting.
« It’s not even a Mexican drink, bro,  » the Georgia-based entertainer says before hammering a piñata against a table in a fit of rage.
Not everyone is turned off by Cinco de Mayo. Randy Baker, owner of the popular Rio Bravo Brewing Co. in Albuquerque, is unveiling the brewery’s new German-style beer Imperial Kolsch on Cinco de Mayo. The brewery is calling it Fünf de Mayo.
In Colorado Springs, a nonprofit group that provides scholarships for Hispanic students is holding a Cinco de Mayo « Fiesta & Car Show » featuring mariachi music and dances. Orlando. Florida, is throwing a Chihuahua dog race, and other cities are hosting Cinco de Mayo beauty pageants.
Some other places may not celebrate at all.
Jose Luis Santiago, an immigration advocate, said migrant workers in Homestead, Florida, are more likely to celebrate Mexican Mother’s Day on May 10 and leave the Cinco de Mayo drinking and partying to ritzy neighborhoods near downtown Miami and in Miami Beach.
« Maybe we will get together and barbecue, but I don’t think it’s that big of a deal for us,  » Santiago said.
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Associated Press writer Adriana Gomez Licon reported this story in Miami.
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Follow Russell Contreras on Twitter at http: //twitter.com/russcontreras and Adriana Gomez Licon at http: //twitter.com/agomezlicon

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Republicans are claiming a triumph by pushing their legislative centerpiece scuttling much of President Barack Obama’s health care law through the House. It was a perilous journey, and its…
WASHINGTON (AP) – Republicans are claiming a triumph by pushing their legislative centerpiece scuttling much of President Barack Obama’s health care law through the House. It was a perilous journey, and its Senate pathway will be at least as bumpy with little doubt the measure will change, assuming it survives. Thursday’s 217-213 House passage – with 20 GOP defections – was preceded by several near-death experiences for the legislation, even though repealing Obama’s statute helped guide Donald Trump’s presidential run and multitudes of GOP congressional campaigns. And that was in a chamber Republicans control 238-193. Had just two additional Republicans voted « no,  » the measure would have lost because bills need majorities to pass. Now, Republicans must try maneuvering the measure through a Senate terrain that is different politically and procedurally from the House. « We must manage expectations and remain focused on the art of the doable as we move forward,  » said Senate Finance Committee Chairman Orrin Hatch, R-Utah, among several cautionary statements issued by Senate Republicans after the House vote. The House bill would end the Obama law’s fines on people who don’t purchase policies and erase its taxes on health industry businesses and higher-earning people. It would dilute Obama’s consumer-friendly insurance coverage requirements, like letting states permit insurers to charge higher premiums for customers with pre-existing medical conditions. The measure would replace Obama’s federal subsidies for lower-income insurance buyers with tax credits geared to consumers’ ages. And it would cut Medicaid, the health insurance program for the poor and disabled, including ending extra federal payments 31 states are accepting to expand Medicaid to cover more people. The notoriously understated Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., lauded the House bill as « an important step » to erasing Obama’s law but left the door open to changes. « Congress will continue to act on legislation to provide more choices and freedom in health care decisions,  » McConnell said. The House bill was written by Republicans representing districts often drawn to incorporate strong majorities of GOP voters. Senators represent entire states, and many tend to reflect more pragmatic views than their House colleagues. Several come from northeastern and Midwestern states with large numbers of low-income people receiving Medicaid. Many of the 31 states that accepted Obama’s expansion of that program are led by GOP governors, and senators have no interest in cutting their states’ funds and taking coverage away from voters. Republican senators also represent states ravaged by deaths caused by opioid abuse. The House measure would let states escape Obama’s requirement that insurers cover anti-drug services. « I’ve already made clear that I don’t support the House bill as currently constructed,  » said Sen. Rob Portman, R-Ohio. He cited its Medicaid cuts, including for treating people with drug problems, and said he’d make sure that « those who are impacted by this epidemic can continue to receive treatment. » In March, Portman joined three other GOP senators in opposing Medicaid cuts in an early version of the House legislation. In a letter to McConnell, they wrote that the measure « does not provide stability and certainty for individuals and families » who use the program. Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, said the House bill poses « more questions than answers about its consequences. » She said there should be « no barrier for coverage » for people with pre-existing medical conditions and that the House’s tax credits « do not adequately take into account income levels » or regional differences in health costs. Collins and Sen. Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska, have opposed cutting federal money for Planned Parenthood. The House bill blocks federal payments for a year to the organization, which provides abortions but doesn’t use federal funds for them by law. Other senators are also seeking changes. No. 3 Senate GOP leader John Thune of South Dakota is working on a plan to skew the bill’s tax subsidies more toward lower-income people. States that did not expand Medicaid under Obama’s law are looking for additional funding for their programs. Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S. C., whose state did not enlarge Medicaid, said he would not back a health care bill « that rewards people for taking Medicaid expansion at the expense of those who did not. » Then there are senators like Ted Cruz of Texas and Rand Paul of Kentucky, former presidential candidates who seldom back away from fights and have already signaled they’re looking for changes. The Republican edge in the Senate is just 52-48. Using special rules, the Senate could pass its version of the bill with just 50 votes and rely on Vice President Mike Pence to break a tie. But that means they can lose just two GOP senators assuming Democrats uniformly oppose scrapping Obama’s signature domestic achievement. Those same bylaws bar provisions that aren’t chiefly aimed at federal spending or revenue, meaning some House language dealing strictly with policy changes could fall out. « The Senate will now finish work on our bill, but will take the time to get it right,  » said Sen. Lamar Alexander, R-Tenn., who chairs the Senate health committee. Copyright 2017 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

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OAKLAND, Calif. – The biggest scare on Thursday night wasn’t delivered by the Utah Jazz, who, through two games and two losses, have shown just enough grit to keep it mildly competitive but not enough firepower to legitimately concern the Golden State Warriors.
OAKLAND, Calif. – The biggest scare on Thursday night wasn’t delivered by the Utah Jazz, who, through two games and two losses, have shown just enough grit to keep it mildly competitive but not enough firepower to legitimately concern the Golden State Warriors.
Nope, the biggest scare was delivered by Draymond Green, who, after starring for the game’s first 40 minutes, took a hard fall and then a slipping tumble as he tried to get up, grabbing his left knee and staying down, as the arena went silent.
They’d rise again soon after, as Green returned from the locker room to the bench and eventually the court, helping the Warriors finish off a Game 2 win 115-104 to take a commanding 2-0 series lead to Utah. The status of that left leg will be a topic in the hours before Game 3, but for now it seems the Warriors dodged a bullet.
And it was quite the dangerous bullet, considering how well Green is currently playing.
In Round 1, Green dominated the Blazers with his defense, blocking 17 shots in four games and terrorizing every inch of the court. But lost within his defensive dominance was some surprising sharpshooting. Green made 11 of his 20 3s against Portland.
That hot streak has now leaked over into the Utah series.
Green opened Game 2 scorching hot from deep, nailing four first quarter 3s as Utah continually left Green wide open and he continually made them pay. Earlier in the season, Green hit five 3s in Salt Lake City and later revealed that his aggressiveness was because he’d heard a comment from Jazz coach Quin Snyder that his team wouldn’t game plan for Green’s deep shot.
The strategy seems smart. Green dipped from 38 percent down to below 31 percent from 3 this season, struggling to make open shots and grumbling about his struggles during off-days.
But similar to Game 7 of the Finals last season – when Green hit six of eight 3s – his stroke has returned at the season’s most important time.
Those four 3s blasted the Warriors out to a 33-15 first quarter lead, allowing them to bob in and out of focus the rest of the night, pawing away the gritty Jazz every time they climbed near or within single digits.
The Warriors reverted to some concerning ways at times on Thursday. After only turning it over seven times in Game 1, they coughed it up 17 times in Game 2 – often carelessly and in the open court, allowing Utah some easy hoops (22 points off Golden State turnovers) .
But it wasn’t just the turnovers that kept Utah in it. It was some occasionally lazy defense. To start the second half, the Warriors yawned as Joe Johnson planted a corner 3 and then, because of a defensive breakdown in transition, let Shelvin Mack walk into a wide open wing 3. Mike Brown called a timeout 44 seconds into the second half.
But the Warriors would respond to any mild threat, bolting back up on the strength of a sturdy game up and down their rotation. Kevin Durant was particularly effective, going for 25 points, 11 rebounds and seven important assists – including the game-sealer for an Andre Iguodala dunk. Durant made 13 of his 15 free throws.
Steph Curry had 23 points, Klay Thompson chipped in 14 and Iguodala, who is now a frigid 0-of-18 from 3 in the playoffs, contributed elsewhere, dunking three times and scoring 10 points.
But Green, again, was the star, continuing his torrid run through the postseason. He had seven rebounds, six assists and another block, his 20th in six playoff games. But his most important attribute on Thursday was his rarest: the 3-point shot.
Green finished with five 3s, tying Curry for a team-high. He now has 18 in the playoffs, which is more than Thompson (16) , LeBron James (15) and Kevin Love (13) , among some of the league’s other sharpshooters.
His strong play only made that late injury scare more concerning for the Warriors. After an errant layup on a fourth quarter drive, Green tumbled down at the baseline and got a bit tangled up with Rudy Gobert. As Green tried to get up, he seemed to slip and his left leg bent strangely. Green crumbled to the floor, grabbed at his knee and stayed down for a minute, before limping to the locker room.
But the do-everything power forward would return and all would be well again for the Warriors, who are 6-0 with six dominant playoff wins.

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