FILE — In this Feb. 3. 2014, file photo, a visitor looks at portraits of late former «comfort women» who were forced to serve for the Japanese troops as a sexual slave during World War II, at the House of Sharing, a nursing home and museum for 10 former sex slaves, in Toechon, South Korea. ‘Comfort women” were present wherever the Japanese Imperial Army invaded and occupied in Asia from the early 1930s through the end of World War II. That aspect of wartime history was kept quiet until the early 1990s, when a South Korean woman came forward, joined by some others, seeking Japanese help and accountability. (AP Photo/Ahn Young-joon, File)
(The Associated Press)
FILE — IN this Wednesday, Jan. 11, 2017, file photo, students gather near a «comfort-woman» statue during a rally in front of the Japanese Embassy in Seoul, South Korea.‘Comfort women” were present wherever the Japanese Imperial Army invaded and occupied in Asia from the early 1930s through the end of World War II. That aspect of wartime history was kept quiet until the early 1990s, when a South Korean woman came forward, joined by some others, seeking Japanese help and accountability. (AP Photo/Lee Jin-man, File)
(The Associated Press)
FILE — In this Wednesday, April, 29, 2015, file photo, a former comfort woman Kil Un-ock, who was forced to serve for the Japanese troops as a sexual slave during World War II, attends a rally against a visit by Japanese Prime Minster Shinzo Abe to the United States, in front of the Japanese Embassy in Seoul, South Korea. ‘Comfort women” were present wherever the Japanese Imperial Army invaded and occupied in Asia from the early 1930s through the end of World War II. That aspect of wartime history was kept quiet until the early 1990s, when a South Korean woman came forward, joined by some others, seeking Japanese help and accountability. The letters at a card read » Oppose the alliance between U. S. and Japan. » (AP Photo/Ahn Young-joon, File)
(The Associated Press)
TOKYO –   «Comfort women,» used by the Japanese military used for sex, were present wherever the army invaded and occupied Asia countries from the early 1930s through the end of World War II.
That aspect of wartime history was kept quiet until the early 1990s, when a South Korean woman came forward, joined by some others, seeking Japanese help and accountability. Since then, the two countries have been divided over how badly Japan treated comfort women and how it should atone for past behavior.
That hasn’t changed despite a 2015 agreement intended to resolve differences. After South Korean activists installed a «comfort woman» statue in front of the Japanese consulate in the South Korean port city of Busan, Japan announced last week that it would temporarily recall its ambassador to South Korea and suspend economic talks.
The divide is reflected in the term «comfort women» itself. Both countries use it, but it means different things to each:
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WHO ARE THE «COMFORT WOMEN»?
The original Japanese word, «ianfu,» (pronounced EE-an-foo) is a euphemism for women sent to front-line brothels called «comfort stations. » Recruited or captured in Japan, the Korean Peninsula, China, the Philippines and Indonesia and elsewhere in Asia, they were used by hundreds of brothels supervised by the military, which set the tariffs, service hours and hygiene standards. The idea was to prevent venereal diseases and avoid triggering anti-Japanese sentiment by deterring Japan’s troops from raping local women.
Japan says there is no official record of the number of comfort women. Estimates by Japanese historians range from 20,000 to 200,000 depending on the parameters used. Initially, some were adult prostitutes or women from poor Japanese families, historians say. Later in the war, many non-Japanese, sometimes minors, were kidnapped or tricked into working in the brothels, some victims have said.
Japan and South Korea also used their own comfort women for American GIs after the war. Japan’s government set up brothels soon after its surrender in 1945 for U. S. servicemen pouring into the country and hired as many as 70,000 Japanese prostitutes, though Gen. Douglas MacArthur closed them in 1946. Seoul had a similar system for American troops during the Korean War. In 2014, more than 100 of the South Korean comfort women filed a lawsuit against their own government, demanding restoration of human dignity and compensation; that lawsuit remains pending.
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WHAT TERM MEANS IN JAPAN
In Japan, comfort women initially were considered victims of World War II atrocities and thought to have come mainly from South Korea and the Philippines. Dozens from the two countries regularly visited Japan demanding official government apologies and compensation mainly in the 1990s-2000s. Years of continuous pressure for apologies have soured the initial sympathy, though, and many Japanese have grown weary of reminders of their country’s wartime past.
Some argue the women were not coerced but volunteered to be prostitutes for the military. During Shinzo Abe’s first term as prime minister in 2006-2007, his Cabinet adopted an official line that there was a lack of documentary proof the women were forcibly recruited or put to work in the wartime brothels. In 2016, Abe told a parliamentary session that replacing the term «ianfu» with «sex slaves» was inaccurate and said the widely used estimation of 200,000 women was groundless. Abe expressed his sympathy for the women, but described them as victims of human trafficking. He has repeatedly denied the women were coerced into sexual slavery. Japan has lobbied the United Nations to remove the word «sex slaves» from documents related to the issue. Japan’s largest newspaper, the Yomiuri, apologized in 2014 for using the expression «sex slaves» in its English edition in the past, promising not to use it again.
Japan issued an apology in 1993 and a government investigation concluded many women were taken against their will and «lived in misery under a coercive atmosphere. » A fund set up in 1995 paid nearly 5 billion yen ($44 million) for medical and welfare projects for more than 280 of the women, including 61 South Koreans. Many victims in that country rejected the fund money under their powerful support group’s stance to keep seeking further official apologies. Japan maintains all its wartime compensation issues with South Korea have been settled by a 1965 treaty.
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WHAT TERM MEANS IN SOUTH KOREA
Most South Koreans prefer the term «comfort women» even though it is adopted from their former colonial ruler. Critics of the euphemism say it makes light of the women’s suffering, but the victims themselves generally have preferred it, perceiving more stigma from being called sex slaves. South Korea was a more deeply conservative society and talking publicly about sex-related topics was taboo in the 1990s, when the women began revealing their long-hidden experiences.
The South Korean government uses the phrase «comfort women of the Japanese military» to reflect the victims’ preferences. The main support group for the women that organizes weekly protests outside the Japanese Embassy in Seoul uses «comfort women» in its Korean-language documents, with an explanation of the meaning. It uses the phrase «military sexual slavery by Japan» in English statements.
«I personally hope we don’t call them ‘comfort women.’ When Americans or other foreigners hear this term, I think they would say, ‘What’s that?'» said Jung Hye-kyung, an expert on Japanese colonial abuses.
Of the 239 South Korean women who officially registered themselves as comfort women, to obtain subsidies and benefits, only 40 are still alive. Experts believe many others have never come forward.
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Kim reported from Seoul, South Korea.

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SEOUL, South Korea –   South Korea’s central bank has lowered its forecast for the country’s growth in 2017 due partly to the fallout from a massive influence-peddling scandal.
Bank of Korea said Friday that the economy will likely expand 2.5 percent this year, slower than its October prediction of 2.8 percent growth. It said Asia’s fourth-largest economy will grow 2.8 percent in 2018.
The bank cited weak private consumption because of meager income growth, heavy household debts and the political uncertainties from the scandal.
Parliament impeached President Park Geun-hye in December and the Constitutional Court is considering whether she should be removed from power permanently for allegedly letting a long-time friend secretly meddle in state affairs.

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According to the statement, Moscow and Beijing urge all those involved in the system’s deployment to consider the escalation in tensions it would lead to, and to exercise restraint. But the two also reaffirm their commitment to a nuclear-free North Korea, and believe diplomacy should be the way forward.
The statement comes shortly after a Thursday meeting co-chaired by Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Igor Morgulov and Chinese Assistant Foreign Minister Kong Xuanyou.
The Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system is to be deployed on a golf course in South Korea, prompting worries from Russia and China about their security being compromised by the anti-missile system’s powerful radar.
One of the concerns the two have with the US system is its radar’s ability to peer into Russian and Chinese territory.
The decision to deploy was first announced in July, promising a system by the end of the year. This led to strong opposition from Russia and China, as well as a 100,000-strong petition by American activists urging the US to reconsider. Reassuring people that the system would “not undermine China’s or Russia’s strategic deterrent,” the Obama administration shot the petition down.
The thinking over the summer was that the North Korean threat to its southern neighbor must be kept in check. Pyongyang’s rising number of ICBM tests and its escalating rhetoric against Seoul contributed to this. Brushing aside criticism by China and Russia, Washington said that its hardware in Korea will be focused “solely” on countering the North Korean nuclear and ballistic missile threat.
Less than a week ago, Seoul reaffirmed its commitment to deploying THAAD, leading to another chorus of protest from Beijing, which complained that it “repeatedly expressed” its concerns, and that the system was “no good to peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula.”
“We also hope that a proper solution that accommodates each other’s concerns can be found through communication and consultation between China and the ROK,” Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Geng Shuang also told journalists at the briefing.
Seoul responded almost immediately by saying that THAAD deployment is “a sovereign and self-defensive measure.”
South Korea has also complained about China taking what it sees as “retaliatory measures” over the decision to deploy. These included a partial ban on Korean TV, as well as some pop artists. The automotive industry was also targeted, and an investigation was launched into Korean retail giant Lotte, which does business in China.
Once again this Thursday, South Korea warned that it may complain to China over the effect its indirect response to THAAD has had: “We plan to present the relation between China’s actions that have been pointed out by our companies and the THAAD deployment during a meeting on Friday regarding the free trade agreement between South Korea and China,” Trade Minister Joo Hyung-hwan told parliament.

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Ecstatic Koreans tried to hand him bouquets of flowers and shake his hands as he made his way through a human tunnel that literally collapsed around him as he tried to exit the airport. The crowd looked so tight at times that the 72-year-old may have been unable to lift an arm to offer those greatly desired handshakes.
Many people were there to cheer Ban on to the South Korean presidency — an office he has yet to officially say he’s seeking. But he again hinted at the prospect in an address to his fans after arriving in the terminal.
Ban said a decision would be coming soon about how he plans to serve his country. If the turnout at the airport is any indication of support, Ban won’t be lacking advocates if he runs.
One of Ban’s fan clubs, Bansamo, which literally means “a group that loves Ban,” was there to cheer on their returning champion.
“We came here because Ban did something great for the world and now is coming back. So we came here to welcome him,” said Kang Seok-jun, the head of Bansamo.
Kang said they founded the group in 2010 solely to support the UN secretary general, and Bansamo is “pure” without political or religious bias.
Ban has long enjoyed support at home. He rose from poverty as a young man to become leader of the UN. South Korea’s own improbable growth runs parallel to his success.
Aidan Foster-Carter, an Honorary Senior Research Fellow in Sociology and Modern Korea at Leeds University, said Ban’s humble roots may help a bid for the Blue House.
But he believes it’s Ban’s image as an outsider that’s driving his current popularity.
“There’s a kind of yearning for a white knight, somebody who is thought to be outside the system and unsullied,” said Foster-Carter.
“There doesn’t seem to be an issue that he wasn’t a particularly good UN secretary general, and he certainly has his critics. He is his own guy, he’s famous, he’s known, and he’s allegedly not corrupted.”
Ban was quick to address corruption once back home. During his airport address, he said there’s no truth to rumors now circulating about him in the press.
Rhee Jong-hoon, a political commentator at iGM Consulting, said the allegations could damage a campaign. But they’re not “crucial faults” when compared to other South Korean presidential candidates who have fought through similar allegations.
“The most important thing about unfavorable factors is how frankly and well he explains them. We have to see how it goes,” said Rhee.
Ban also faces scrutiny from fractured political parties hoping the well-liked diplomat will bear their flag as a presidential candidate.
Currently, Ban has no party to call home; Foster-Carter called him a centrist. He served as foreign minister under a liberal administration. Lately, he’s been courted by parties on both sides, including the ruling Saenuri Party and its defectors , the new Barun Party.
Some political analysts suggest he may create his own party. Others say it’s too late considering their may be a special election in the coming months to replace impeached President Park Geun-hye.
South Korea’s opposition, meanwhile, has a strong candidate in Moon Jae-in, the former head of the Democratic People’s Party who lost the 2012 election to Pres. Park.
It’s this tug-of-war over the famous Ban that may draw the 72-year-old into a race for the presidency in a country facing political and economic crises.
“There has been a common view that Ban is the conservative camp’s hope. He seems to have accepted their view,” said Rhee.
Foster-Carter said people have a sense that if someone “tells you you’re their country’s savior, it must be a pretty siren song.”
He also agreed the frayed party lines encourage a run.
“It helps the conservatives don’t really have any particular any good or prominent candidates anymore, do they? Whereas the liberals have got quite a few,” Foster-Carter said. “So all that sort of means he’s the man of the moment, isn’t he? Ban the man.”

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